The Western aversion and distrust towards Islam runs deep, in
contrast to how 'friendlier' religions such as Buddhism, Confucianism
and Hinduism are often considered.
[1] Even Westerners
better informed about Islam have their concerns, so it is probably not
simply a case of a 'misunderstood' religion. Many see Islam as an
inherently undemocratic religion, placing restrictions on, for example,
women's rights or freedom of religion.
[2] To assert that
understanding leads to tolerance is not necessarily true. Islam
confronts many of the foundations of Western liberal-democratic culture,
and by its very nature does not lend itself to be co-opted into the
pluralistic, 'tolerant' frameworks of liberal Western societies.
Islam in Java is extremely diverse in the manner of its expression,
and highly variable in terms of depth of commitment to the
religion. The oft-quoted figure that 90% of the Javanese
population embraces Islam is extremely misleading, and in fact,
wrong. It is perhaps true that 90% of the Javanese population hold
an identity card (KTP) stating that Islam is their religion.
However given the lack of religious freedom in Indonesia,
[3] the life-threatening
danger of not professing a government-approved religion, and pressure
from within the Ministry of Religion and Islamists to inflate the number
of Muslims in Indonesia for political reasons, this 90% figure should be
summarily dismissed as an untruth.
Muslims in Java are usually divided vertically according to their
level of identification with Islam; ie, Geertz's abangan/santri
dichotomy, with the santri much more closely identifying themselves as
Muslim. In addition to this, there is also a horizontal
traditionalist/modernist dimension within Javanese Islam.
So what constitutes a santri Muslim in Java? And how are they
differentiated from other Javanese who call themselves Muslim?
Originally a santri was simply a student or follower within an Islamic
school called a pesantren (literally, "place of the santri") headed by a
kyai master. The word 'santri' referred to persons who
removed themselves from the secular world in order to concentrate on
devotional activities and mystical matters, and
pesantren were
the focus of such devotion.
[4] It was only later
that the word santri was used to describe that particular class within
Javanese society that identified strongly with Islam, distinct from the
more nominal Islam of the
abangan and
priyayi. And
indeed, the word 'santri' used to describe a class probably had a lot
more to do with the influence of Geertz himself on how Javanese think
about themselves. In fact, in common conversation, the word
muslimin[5] is far more likely to be
used to distinguish 'santri' Javanese from other groups within society.
Further complicating this matter is that not all santri are alike;
within this group itself there exists a wide variety of belief and
interpretation of what constitutes 'Islam'. To some extent this
reflects the variety of belief held by Muslims the world over, and is
generally characterised by a division between 'traditionalist' and
'modernist' outlooks. It can also be depicted as a division
between an Islam that has been absorbed to become an integral part of a
local culture, and a 'puritan' Islam that sees such cultural adaptation
as being contrary to the original aesthetic.
Islam in Java eventually developed into two Islamic traditions that
are apparent today; a Javanese Islam with its syncretic characteristics,
and a 'puritan', modernist Islam. The first is an Islam within
which is infused with a complex mix of animist-Hindu-Buddhist beliefs
and concepts, and which is inclined to mysticism. The second is
relatively freer of these syncretic accretions, and is much closer to
the dogma of the defining Arabian orthodoxy.
[6]
Islam did not arrive in Java in its pure, Arabian form.
[7] One of the main
reasons that Islam was able to take root in Java was due to the
particular kind of Islam, Sufism, that emphasised with local traditions
and customs, and was itself quite compatible with the pre-existing and
highly developed Javanese mystical outlook. Islam was thus
introduced with relatively little upheaval into the existing cultural,
social and political structures.
[8] In addition, amongst
the Hindu-Buddhist nobility, Sufi Islam offered a credible mysticism as
an alternative or additional source of mystical power and political
legitimation
[9]; Islam could be integrated
into the wider Javanese search for magical powers.
[10]
Because of its mystical outlook, Sufi Islam was more easily
incorporated into the traditional Javanese worldview. Towards the
end of the 19th century the whole of Java could be considered
'Islamised',
[11] however the intensity of
this process was uneven across the island. Santri culture was much
more concentrated in the trading cities of the north coast, and in
cities more generally rather than the countryside.
[12] Santri life-styles
only really influenced those neighbouring rural settlements where
pesantren had been established.
[13]
With the development of the modernist movement within Islam, starting
with the Wahabie movement in Egypt, and with the increasing number of
Javanese Muslims undertaking the Hajj to Makkah after the opening of the
Suez Canal,
[14] came an increasing
awareness that Javanese Islam had absorbed many elements which could be
considered in opposition to the 'pure' Islam of Arabia. Santri's
began to more consciously differentiate themselves from those holding
traditional Javanese outlooks, considering them as irreconcilable with
the teachings or the aesthetic expressed in the Koran, and thus
increasingly polarising the santri from the abangan. Over the past
two decades in particular Javanese society has undergone a process of
Islamisation, moving generally towards a deeper understanding and
commitment to Islam in the modernist santri style.
[15] This has led to
further polarisation of the abangan from the santri in contemporary
Java.
[16]
However, the santri should not be considered as an homogenous group,
as they are themselves polarised along traditionalist/modernist
lines. It is usually difficult to immediately differentiate
'mystically inclined' traditionalist santri from modernist 'orthodox'
[17]
santri. Both may well observe the five pillars of Islam, and just
as importantly, strongly identify themselves as Muslim.
So what is it that differentiates the Javanese santri from the rest
of the population? Essentially, differences can be reduced to
identity. Santri consciously identify themselves as Muslims, and
attempt as far as possible to live in accordance to their own
understanding of Islam, whether this be the traditional syncretic Islam,
the purist Islam of the modernist, or mixtures of both.
In terms of belief, the typical santri would adhere to the basic
tenants of Islam as laid down within Koran, and the
Sunnah, which
comprises the
Syrah (Mohammed's life story) and the
Hadith
(Mohammed's saying and customs). The Koran is considered to be the
literal word of God, and thus cannot be doubted in any way. The
Hadith, however, can be the subject of debate and difference of
opinion, and it very often is. Consisting of literally hundreds
of thousands, possibly millions, of separate sayings and customs, and
written or conveyed by numerous authors, the
Hadith is a hotbed
of contradiction, dispute, xenophobia and occasionally, downright
weirdness.
[18]
In terms of their day-to-day behaviour, the santri closely adhere to
the formal requirements of the religion, the most obvious of which is
solat, the ritual prayer undertaken at specific times five times
a day. More than anything else, it is the conscientious
performance of
solat that separates the santri from the
abangan. According to Islamic law
solat is
wajib
'ain (absolutely compulsory), gaining merit for performance, and
punishment for its non-performance.
[19] Santri frequently
live in areas surrounding mosques called
kauman. Quite
apart from a providing a sense of community, living close to a mosque
means that the calls to prayer are clearly heard to ensure that every
solat is performed.
Also
wajib 'ain is fasting during the month of Ramadan, the
ninth month of the Islamic lunar calendar. During this month every
able Muslim must abstain from food, drink, sex, immoral acts, and
negative thinking from dawn to sunset. In contrast to
solat, many abangan also follow the fast during this month,
though perhaps not as seriously as their santri cousins.
Koentzereningerat (1985) claims that Agami Jawi (abangan) Muslims who do
not perform
solat or give
zakat seldom neglect to fast
during the entire month of Ramadan, because it is in accordance with the
indigenous idea of
tirakat, of deliberately seeking out hardship
and discomfort for religious reasons.
[20]
The contemporary Javanese santri can aspire to performing the Hajj,
the pilgrimage to the Holy Land, at least once in their lifetime,
usually when they are older. The Indonesian government though the
Ministry of Religion provides highly organised packages to the Holy Land
for reasonable cost.
[21] As a consequence,
the high status associated with someone who had undertaken the Hajj in
days past has now diminished considerably. The honorific title
'Haji' is now very rarely used when addressing or referring to someone
verbally, though the abbreviated title ("H.") will often be used in
written forms.
Externally, differences in dress are nearly always apparent in the
contemporary santri.
Muslimah in particular stand apart
from non-santri by the wearing of a
jilbab (full headdress
covering the head, ears, and neck, leaving only the face visible).
Older
muslimah, or for the more 'liberal' female santri, a less
severe
kerudung is often substituted, covering only the head
leaving much of the hair, neck and ears still visible. Headdress
is worn whenever the
muslimah is outside the house, or whenever
she is in the presence of any males apart from her husband, sons, father
and brothers. (Some
muslimah are less strict about this
within their own home.)
Muslimah will frequently absent
themselves whenever male guests come to visit, partly due to the reserve
that the
muslimah is expected to show, but often also because
they do not want to go to the trouble of wearing their head-dress in
order to meet the guest.
Islam defines an
awrah,
[22] or areas of the body
considered 'private', for both sexes. The
muslimah must
cover all her body, except for her face and hands.
[23] Long,
loose-fitting dresses or slacks are usually worn, though in Java many
muslimah also commonly wear jeans along with a long,
loose-fitting shirt. Basically, the female form must be so covered
as to obscure the shape of the breasts,
[24] hips and buttocks, so as
not to arouse the passions or attention of males. This concept of
the
awrah is also extended to female behaviour, with the
muslimah expected to guard ('cover') her voice and her physical
movements, and to avoid drawing undue attention to herself.
The Javanese santri male also wears certain types of clothing,
however these are not prescribed by Islam, traditional or otherwise, nor
are they worn all the time. The male
awrah is much less
restrictive, between the waist and the thighs, but it is generally
considered more polite to completely cover the body, arms and
legs. The gamis is a type of loose-fitting, long-sleeved,
round-collared shirt worn by santri men, often for formal religious
occasions or for Friday Prayers where it is accompanied with a chequered
sarung. The
peci, though not traditionally associated with
Javanese Islam, must nowadays be considered part of male santri dress,
although abangan Muslims also frequently wear it.
[25]
Santri will frequently pepper their speech with expressions of an
Arabic flavour, even (perhaps especially) when communicating with
non-Muslims or abangan.
Bismillahirrohmannirrahim ('In the name
of God the All Merciful') is an expression used before the commencement
of any task, however large or small. This phrase precedes every
surah within the Koran. The use of this phrase is, however,
not limited to santri Muslims; abangan Muslims also frequently use
it. Tasks such as starting a motorbike, driving a nail into a
wall, sex, speeches, and the slaughtering of meat animals, will all be
preceded with
Bismillah as a remembrance that everything, every
action and every word, should be done for God in the name of God.
Assalamwallaikum, along with its reply,
Wallaikumsalam,
is used when meeting, greeting and farewelling people, and is also
frequently used as a formal opening greeting for speeches.
[26]
Strangely, use of this expression by public officials has declined
dramatically since the fall of General (Ret.) HM Soeharto in May of
1998.
Santri consider any expression of certainty about the future to be
slightly arrogant, and very often use the term Insyaallah ("God
willing") to prefix any statement of positive intent or prediction, or
agreement to do something. This expression is also sometimes used
as a polite way of saying 'no', or for expressing ambiguity in answer to
a question pertaining to something to be done in the future.
Insyaallah also expresses what some see as a rather negative fatalism,
allowing Muslims to avoid personal responsibility.
[27]
Contemporary santri Islam, in fact modernist Islam in general, is
very much an 'outward' religion. The inner dimensions are
generally not stressed, and when they are spoken of it is in terms of a
very separate 'compartment' of Islam. The modernist aesthetic has
had a big impact upon the more mystically-inclined traditionalist Islam,
especially over the past two decades. Ritual, outward social
behaviour, language and religious identity overshadow the inner
dimensions. Sufism and the
tarekat, although acknowledged,
are now viewed with either suspicion or awe. For the vast majority
of santri Muslims the only link to mystical dimensions and practices is
at funeral ceremonies, where
dhikir mediation is performed.
Santri Islam in general emphasises ritual, whilst mysticism, in
whatever its form, stresses inner, spiritual, or the vertical axis of
religion. Santri are thus often perceived as emphasising the
material, literal, or the horizontal axis. The mystic aspires to direct
experience with God rather than mere belief or mechanical ritual.
Sufi texts make a distinction between
lahir (outer aspects) and
batin (inner aspects), and that the outer meaning of the Koran
concerns the regulation of outward behaviour (
lahir), whilst its
inner meaning (
batin) concerns the mystical path and the quest
for knowledge about Allah.
[28]
Mysticism and magic have always formed a basis of culture for all
Javanese, irrespective of their professed outlook. Santri Muslims
will often make reference to indigenous beliefs, even whilst at the same
time invoking the superiority of Islamic belief. Many avowedly
modernist Muslims sometimes ascribe matters to Islam that in fact have
their basis within traditional beliefs. At the unconscious level
many Javanese beliefs linger in the minds of the santri; Nyi Rorol
Kidul, the Goddess of the Southern Sea, can still strike fear into their
hearts, as can the power of
Kejawen mystics. Many santri
see no contradiction in consulting a
dukun to cure their
ailments, or in believing that
guna-guna ("black magic") is often
used in matters concerning love relationships, or that
manusia
harimau, people who transform themselves into tigers, inhabit some
villages. Indigenous beliefs may tend to fill some of the
spiritual vacuum left behind by modernist Islam.
Javanese santri Islam is not monochromic; there is great variability
in the way that it is expressed, and in the depth of commitment and
knowledge of its adherants. However indigenous mystical beliefs persist
in the subconscious of all Javanese, and many traditional practices and
ceremonies are still performed,
[29] albeit only in a formal
manner. Javanese society has become increasingly 'santrified' over
the past few decades, and the modernist expression of the religion has
greatly influenced, outwardly at least, the more mystically-inclined
traditionalist Islam. Despite this apparent modernity, however,
Indonesian Islam needs to be considered on its own terms, and not just
as a branch of Middle Eastern Islam.
Notes
Keith Eames et al (1998), Social and Religious Trends in Asia Pacific Security,
http://www.acdss.gov.au/acdss/confrnce/1998/98social.htm
Eames et al (1998)
Of course, there is 'freedom of religion' in Indonesia, unfortunately there is no freedom from religion.
Robert J. Kyle (1995), Honors thesis 'Rethinking Javanese Mysticism: A Case Study of Subud Mysticism', Dept of Archaeology and Anthropology, Faculty of Arts, Australian National University, Canberra, 1995, http://artalpha.anu.edu.au/kylero/RJK_hp/chap1.htm
Or muslimah when referring to females.
Kyle (1995)
Franz Magnis-Suseno (1997), Javanese Ethics and World-view: the Javanese Idea of the Good Life, PT Gramedia, Jakarta: 35
Magnis-Suseno (1997): 35
Kyle (1995)
Magnis-Suseno (1997): 35
Magnis-Suseno (1997): 37
Magnis-Suseno (1997): 38
Magnis-Suseno (1997): 38
Magnis-Suseno (1997): 39
MC Ricklefs (1993), A History of Modern Indonesia since c.1300, McMillan, London: 308
Some authors take a quite different view of this, claiming (like Ricklefs: 308) that the divisions between the aliran are now less clear, and that such terms as santri and abangan are now anachronisms. I don't go along with this view; the recent elections should, I think, be proof enough that the aliran are alive and well in Javanese society.
I use the word 'orthodox' here to indicate the Arabian rather than the traditionalist Javanese orthodoxy.
A few modernist Muslim authors, in all seriousness, go as far to say that the Hadith should be completely abandoned. See Kassim Ahmad (1986), Hadith: A Re-Evaluation, Monotheist Productions International, Tucson
Mohammed Rifa'I (1976), Risalah Tuntunan Shalat Lengkap, CV Toha Putra, Semarang: 9
Koentzereningerat (1985), 'Javanese Religion' in Javanese Culture, OUP Singapore, ch 5: 370
This last year the cost for an ordinary pilgrim was less than Rp20.000.000, covering air fares, accommodation, food, and guidance. Pilgrims usually stay in the Holy Land for a total of three months.
Or aurat in Bahasa Indonesia.
This too, is subject to wide interpretation. As a side note, in supposedly austere Malaysia the arms of Muslim (ie, Malay) women are nearly always left exposed, due almost certainly to a problem of language. In Malay, 'hand' and 'arm' are often not differentiated, being referred to singularly as 'tangan'. This also extends through to Malaysian English, where the word 'arm' is rarely used, and the word 'hand' used to mean either the hand or the arm or both.
For most Javanese women this does not present a great challenge.
I think it would be difficult nowadays to find a non-Muslim wearing a peci, and indeed I personally know of some Javanese Christians who would not be caught dead in one, so strong is the Islamic identification. Strangely, I have known several santris who strongly deny the peci's solely Islamic association, insisting that anyone can wear one regardless of their religion.
Muslim boutiques in Java sell "Assalamwallaikum" doorbells. Even Islam has its kitsch.
John Bousfield (1983), "Islamic Philosophy in Southeast Asia", in MB Hoober ed, Islam in Southeast Asia, Brill, Leiden: 99
Kyle (1995)
One such example is the tingkeban ritual marking the passing of six months of pregnancy that is celebrated by many santri women